Beijing goes mobile in the South China Sea
June 17, 2016
Not a day goes by without some sort of turmoil in the South China Sea.
Let’s cut to the chase: war is not about to break out.
In a nutshell, the non-stop drama, as ASEAN (Association of Southeast
Asian Nations) diplomats told me, is all about “escalation-management
protocols.” Translation: how to prevent any unilateral outburst that
could be interpreted as warlike.
Compounding the problem is that ASEAN can’t seem to manage its own
internal protocols. This past Tuesday offered a graphic illustration, after a
special ASEAN-China Foreign Ministers’ meeting in Yuxi. First ASEAN issued a communiqué. Then it
retracted it. As much as that reflects internal dissent among the 10 nation
group, it also happens to puncture the Pentagon myth of China’s “isolation”.
Meanwhile, a D-Day is approaching; the ruling, by the Permanent Court of
Arbitration in The Hague, on a territorial dispute brought by the Philippines
in 2013. The ruling should come by late July or early August. Even if – as
expected – it goes against Beijing that still should not be reason to install
an insurmountable ASEAN-China divide.
Connie Rahakundini, president of the Indonesian Institute for Maritime Studies
(IIMS), framed the question for Xinhua. There is an
‘ASEAN plus’ mechanism already in place – which is a sort of debate forum
including China. And ASEAN is also establishing a code of conduct to prevent
unilateral moves.
The problem with the case in The Hague is that the Philippines did not
try to solve it bilaterally; off the record, ASEAN diplomats admit that would
be the only solution.
So no wonder Beijing decided not to be a part of the arbitration
procedure, and preemptively rejects whatever ruling (which is non-binding
anyway), insisting the court has no jurisdiction. The Philippines case is about
territorial sovereignty and maritime delimitation; these are subject to general
international law, not the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea
(UNCLOS).
All about positioning
At the recent Shangri-La dialogue, Beijing once again detailed its complex
strategy in the South China Sea. PLA Major General Yunzhu Yao stressed that
freedom of navigation for commercial ships in the South China Sea has not been
challenged and would never be challenged. And she hit the heart of the matter;
the US has not ratified UNCLOS, so it’s in no position to impose its
interpretation of the treaty on any nation, in Asia or beyond.
Compare it to Rahkundini, speaking for ASEAN as a whole: “The
United States actually has nothing to do in the South China Sea; moreover it
does not ratify the UNCLOS. So it is not appropriate for the United States to
meddle or, even worse, demonstrate military might there. The United States has
to be wiser and fairer to see the ongoing dispute in the South China Sea.”
Everyone knows this is not going to happen. On the contrary; the Obama
administration and the Pentagon are engaged in all out meddling, deploying “freedom
of navigation” operations. For his part new Filipino president Rodrigo
Duterte very well knows that the arbitration, at best, might give him a better
bargaining stance. But still he will have to negotiate with China. And Beijing
knows exactly what Manila needs to soften the pill; massive Chinese investment.
Both China and the Philippines, as well as Vietnam, are signatories of
UNCLOS. But steeped as it is in history, Beijing also stands by its 9-dash line
map, with sovereign claims that reach as far as the Vietnamese coast and along
Borneo. And yet even the Chinese map as well as the drive towards an aerial
defense identification zone does not mean Beijing wants to imperil freedom of
navigation in the South China Sea – as Washington insists. This is all
about positioning.
Meet “mobile national sovereignty”
International law does not specifically forbid reclamation at sea. What
China is applying is a quite audacious, self-described “blue soil” strategy.
Vietnam, Malaysia and even the Philippines had been carrying out reclamation in
the South China Sea for a while. China arrived later, but in full force –
building airstrips, lighthouses, garrisons in neglected or abandoned islets in
the Spratlys and the Paracels. Once again, this is all about energy; to harness
an astonishing unexplored wealth of 10 billion barrels of oil and 30 trillion
cubic meters of natural gas.
In its search for energy, Beijing is focusing a significant part of its
strategy on areas already identified, for instance, by PetroVietnam. And it’s
using a game-changer: the HYSY 981 mobile deepwater drilling rig, which the
chairman of CNOOC, Wang Yilin, describes as a “strategic weapon” that
is part of China’s“mobile national sovereignty”.
President Xi Jinping has emphasized over and over again that China will
not militarize any reclaimed land. Yet the Pentagon’s insistence on those
innocuous “freedom of navigation” operations coupled with USAF
overflights can only be interpreted as provocations leading to further militarization.
The Pentagon has never been accused of being geopolitically savvy. Their
planners after all fail – or prefer to fail – to see that China’s island
building, in the long run, is all about finding enough oil and gas to perform
an “escape from Malacca”, a central plank of Beijing’s energy
strategy. Beijing would rather have enough energy closer to home, in the South
China Sea, than having its fleet of tankers at the mercy of the US Navy
crossing the Strait of Malacca non-stop.
No one knows how the removal of the US weapons sale embargo on Vietnam
will result in practice. In Southeast Asian cooperation terms, it might be
useful to observe the actions of Singapore – that trade/services hub doubling
as a US aircraft carrier parked by the Strait of Malacca. Singapore happens to
perform a superb balancing act between Washington and Beijing. Russia, by the
way, is also officially neutral on all matters South China Sea.
China is the top trading partner of the overwhelming majority of
Southeast Asia and Northeast Asia nations. It is a prominent member of the East
Asia Summit. It is driving its own, Asian-based response to the Obama
administration’s Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) pet project; the Regional
Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP).
Beijing knows that the “principled security network” proposed
by lame duck Pentagon head Ash Carter in Singapore has no chance whatsoever of
becoming a Southeast Asian NATO.
What this all means is that the notion of an “isolated” China
does not even qualify as a bad joke told at a stuffy Council on Foreign
Relations meeting.
And that brings us back to what happens after the arbitration in The
Hague. Something very Asian; Beijing and Manila will sit down again and try to
reach a deal, without ever bothering to refer to the ruling. Face will be saved
on both sides. China will continue to go mobile – in search of all that oil and
gas.
And count on the Pentagon to continue its meddling.
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