By Dmitry Babich
May 18, 2016 "Information Clearing House" - "RT" - A Russian diplomatic
call to outlaw the US-sponsored policy of “regime change” is timelier than ever
by recent events in Latin America.
The developments there are now routinely
described as ‘institutional’ coups d’état, with popular presidents removed from
power and replaced by neoliberal functionaries, enjoying almost unhidden
support of the US government and American financial capital.
“What we see in the world now is an attempt by
the so-called historic West to preserve its dominance in international
affairs,” Russian
Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov said at a conference on Latin American
development, held in Moscow. “Latin America is not an exception to this
global trend. We see attempts by the United States to interfere directly into
the internal affairs of some countries in the region… Argentina, Brazil,
Venezuela are just the most recent examples.”
Last week, Brazil’s leftist President Dilma
Rousseff was removed from power by a very unpopular group of senators, despite
having the votes of 54 million citizens, who expressed their will a year and a
half ago. Rousseff was removed because of accusations of corruption. However,
even the mainstream media in the United States did not consider these accusations
to be well founded.
The New York
Times, on the eve
of Rousseff’s ousting, called accusations against her “debatable” and
added that “Ms. Rousseff is right to question the motives and moral
authority of the politicians who were seeking to oust her.”
In 2014-2015, a similar campaign of personal
attacks and ‘character assassination’ took place in Argentina against that
country’s leftist president Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner.
In both cases, the US-preferred candidates
somehow managed to get to power posing as the only viable alternatives to the
ousted women leaders.
In Brazil, the former vice-president Michel Temer took the reins of power
without elections. Mr. Temer, whose popularity in Brazil is in single digits,
has already started what RT’s expert on Latin America Juan Manuel Karg called a “realignment” of
Brazil’s foreign policy. That “realignment” is supposed “to
move Brazil closer to the United States and to the EU with or without Mercosur” (a
bloc integrating the markets and economies of Latin American countries).
“It is worth noting that the foreign policy
program of Temer’s party PMDB from 2015 does not even mention BRICS – Brazil,
Russia, India, China and South Africa – an important bloc of countries which
Brazil played an important role in founding in 2009,” Juan Manuel Karg
writes on RT’s Spanish page.
PMDB, which stands for the Party of Brazilian
Democratic Movement, is a loose union of centrist and rightist forces, which
never took more votes than Ms. Rousseff’s Workers’ Party. Temer himself has a
disapproval rating of 58 percent in Brazil.
New Argentinian President Mauricio Macri also
did not seem to be keen on following Fernandez de Kirchner’s policy of
discovering new horizons for Argentina in China and Russia. During her tenure
between 2007 and 2015, Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner several times met with
Russian presidents Vladimir Putin and Dmitry Medvedev, allowed RT Spanish to be
included in the set of TV channels accessible for Argentina’s broadest
television public, and expanded trade ties with Russia. This policy so far has
not been continued under Macri.
In Venezuela, the situation is even clearer:
the US makes no secret of its support for the “anti-chavista” opposition
to President Nicolas Maduro, the successor to leftist leader Hugo Chavez, who
gave his name to “chavizmo,” an ideology combining oil sales
to the US with spending the proceeds from these sales on social development.
The American media gives full support to
anti-chavista opposition, despite its role in violent street protests, which
have claimed the lives of several dozen people. “The US policy of
support for violent protests is inexcusable, since Venezuela is not a
dictatorship. The country has many anti-Maduro media outlets, people have been
given a chance to elect the majority of President Maduro’s critics into
parliament,” explains Andres Izarra, a cabinet minister in Mr.
Maduro’s cabinet in 2014. “The Venezuelan government suggested dialogue
with the government of the United States, we wanted a compromise. But
Washington simply has no policy towards Latin America except the so-called
regime change.”
But why is Russia concerned with US pressure on
Latin American countries? Seemingly, Moscow’s economic interests are not
focused on that region. The share of Latin American countries in Russia’s
foreign trade, with the notable exception of Venezuela, remains relatively
small; it is still dwarfed by Russia’s trade with the EU or with China.
But the point is that in recent years it became
absolutely clear to Russian diplomats that the policy of “regime
change” in Latin America, Syria, Ukraine and – last, but not least –
Russia itself, is conducted by the same people in Washington D.C. and in
Brussels, and the same technology is being used for the purpose. Therefore, the
events in faraway Brazil may have a direct impact on the developments in
Russia.
“Attempts to “seat out” US-led color
revolutions in other countries are simply not wise,” says Joshua Tartakovsky, a
US-based foreign policy analyst, who recently visited both Venezuela and
Ukraine. “Sooner or later, the American enthusiasts of regime change
plan to go after all the regimes which even potentially can challenge American
domination. First, they will do it in the Western hemisphere, but it won’t take
long before they come to Russia, China and India too. The only way to survive
for BRICS is to come together and act together – before it is too late.”
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, unlike
the official representatives of India and China, openly says that he sees the
West’s attempting to bring about a “regime change” in his
country. In Latin America, only the Venezuelan foreign minister has similar
courage to face the facts, while the others prefer the Tartakovsky-described
tactic of “seating out” the storms of Washington-inspired
revolutions.
“I listened to the Western leaders who
announced economic sanctions against Russia,” Lavrov said at a meeting with foreign
policy experts in autumn 2014. He referred to the aftermath of the US-sponsored
Ukrainian coup in 2014, which ousted the centrist Ukrainian President Yanukovich
and led to a civil war.
“These Western leaders openly said that
sanctions should be applied in a way that would cripple Russia’s economy and
lead to popular protests. So, the West is sending us a message: we don’t even
want to change the policy of the Russian Federation; we want to change the
Russian Federation’s regime. In fact they are not even denying that desire of
theirs.”
How far will Russia go in its support for
independence of Latin American countries? Who and how can shield them from the
policy of “regime change” conducted by their powerful northern neighbor?
Obviously, Lavrov is not under the illusion Russian can guarantee such
independence alone. At the 69th General Assembly of the United Nations in
autumn 2014, the Russian foreign minister suggested making a special UN
declaration on the inadmissibility of the policy of “regime change” and
on “non-recognition of coups as methods of changing state power.”
At the time, the Brazilian leader Dilma
Rousseff did not openly support Lavrov’s suggestion, even though she was
present at that UN General Assembly. Earlier, in 2013, she even made an
indignant speech at the United Nations about the NSA’s eavesdropping of
Brazil’s representatives at the UN and even on the office of the president of
Brazil.
Rousseff might regret not seizing the
opportunity to act against “regime change” then. Now it
appears to be too late – for her and, most likely, for Brazil.
Dimitry Babich was born in Moscow, in 1970. He
has worked for various media outlets for 25 years, including The Moscow News
and RIA Novosti news agency. He is currently working as a political analyst at
Sputnik International, and is a frequent guest on BBC, Al Jazeera, CNN
commenting on international affairs and history.
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