Global Research, November 07, 2016
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Tomorrow Americans get the chance to vote for a system
– resource-hungry, war-peddling corporate capitalism – in two iterations: one
has funny hair and a permatan, the other wears lipstick and trouser-suits.
Yes, there are some policy differences too, or rather
emphases – and Hillary Clinton’s supporters are desperately exploiting them to
try to persuade those who have grown deeply disillusioned with the system that
a vote for Clinton matters. After all, Clinton is not going to make
it into the Oval Office unless she can secure the votes of those who
backed the far-more progressive Bernie Sanders in the Democratic primaries.
Clinton’s camp have wielded various sticks to beat
these voters into submission. Not least they have claimed that a refusal to
vote for Clinton is an indication of one’s misogyny. But it has not been an easy task. Actor Susan
Sarandon, for example, has stated that she is not going to “vote with my vagina”.
As she notes, if the issue is simply about proving one is not
anti-women, there is a much worthier candidate for president who also happens
to be female:
Jill Stein, of the Green Party.
Sarandon, who supported Sanders in the primaries,
spoke for a vast swath of voters excluded by the two-party system when she
told BBC Newsnight:
I am worried about the wars, I am worried about Syria,
I am worried about all of these things that actually exist. TTP [Trans-Pacific
Partnership] and I’m worried about fracking. I’m worrying about the
environment. No matter who gets in they don’t address these things because
money has taken over our system.
Given that both Donald Trump and Clinton
represent big money – and big money only – Clinton’s supporters have been
forced to find another stick. And that has been the “lesser evil”
argument. Clinton may be bad, but Trump would be far worse. Voting for a
non-evil candidate like Jill Stein – who has no hope of winning – would split
the progressive camp and ensure Trump, the more evil candidate,
triumphs. Therefore, there is a moral obligation on progressive
voters to back Clinton, however bad her track record as a
senator and as secretary of state.
There is nothing new about this argument. It had been
around for decades, and has been corralling progressives into voting for
Democratic presidents who have still advanced US neoconservative policy
goals abroad and neoliberal ones at home.
America’s pseudo-democracy
So is it true that Clinton is the lesser-evil
candidate? To answer that question, we need to examine those “policy
differences” with Trump.
On the negative side, Trump’s platform poses a genuine
threat to civil liberties. His bigoted, “blame the immigrants” style of
politics will harm many families in the US in very tangible ways. Even if the
inertia of the political system reins in his worst excesses, as is almost
certain, his inflammatory rhetoric is sure to damage the façade of democratic
discourse in the US – a development not to be dismissed lightly. Americans may
be living in a pseudo-democracy, one run more like a plutocracy, but destroying
the politics of respect, and civil discourse, could quickly result in the
normalisation of political violence and intimidation.
On the plus side, Trump is an isolationist, with
little appetite for foreign entanglements. Again, the Washington policy elites
may force him to engage abroad in ways he would prefer not to, but his
instincts to limit the projection of US military power on the international
stage are likely to be an overall good for the world’s population outside
the US. Any diminishment of US imperialism is going to have real practical
benefits for billions of people around the globe. His refusal to demonise
Vladimir Putin, for example, may be significant enough to halt the gradual
slide towards a nuclear confrontation with Russia, either in Ukraine or in
the Middle East.
Clinton is the mirror image of Trump. Domestically,
she largely abides by the rules of civil politics – not least because
respectful discourse benefits her as the candidate with plenty of
political experience. The US is likely to be a more stable, more predictable
place under a Clinton presidency, even as the plutocratic elite entrenches
its power and the wealth gap grows relentlessly.
Abroad, however, the picture looks worse under
Clinton. She has been an enthusiastic supporter of all the many recent wars of
aggression launched by the US, some declared and some covert. Personally, as
secretary of state, she helped engineer the overthrow of Col Muammar Gaddafi.
That policy led to an outcome – one that was entirely foreseeable – of
Libya’s reinvention as a failed state, with jihadists of every
stripe sucked into the resulting vacuum. Large parts of Gadaffi’s arsenal
followed the jihadists as they exported their struggles across the Middle East,
creating more bloodshed and heightening the refugee crisis. Now Clinton wants
to intensify US involvement in Syria, including by imposing a no-fly zone – or
rather, a US and allies-only fly zone – that would thrust the US into a direct
confrontation with another nuclear-armed power, Russia.
In the cost-benefit calculus of who to vote for in a
two-party contest, the answer seems to be: vote for Clinton if you are
interested only in what happens in the narrow sphere of US domestic politics
(assuming Clinton does not push the US into a nuclear war); while if you are a
global citizen worried about the future of the planet, Trump may be the
marginally better of two terribly evil choices. (Neither, of course, cares a
jot about the most pressing problem facing mankind: runaway climate change.)
So even on the extremely blinkered logic of Clinton’s
supporters, Clinton might not be the winner in a lesser-evil presidential
contest.
Mounting disillusion
But there is a second, more important reason
to reject the lesser-evil argument as grounds for voting for
Clinton.
Trump’s popularity is a direct consequence of
several decades of American progressives voting for the lesser-evil candidate.
Most Americans have never heard of Jill Stein, or the other three
candidates who are not running on behalf of the Republican and Democratic
parties. These candidates have received no mainstream media coverage – or the
chance to appear in the candidate debates – because their share of the vote is
so minuscule. It remains minuscule precisely because progressives have spent
decades voting for the lesser-evil candidate. And nothing is going to change so
long as progressives keep responding to the electoral dog-whistle that they
have to keep the Republican candidate out at all costs, even at the price of
their own consciences.
Growing numbers of Americans understand that their
country was “stolen from them”, to use a popular slogan. They sense that the US
no longer even aspires to its founding ideals, that it has become a society run
for the exclusive benefit of a tiny wealthy elite. Many are looking for someone
to articulate their frustration, their powerlessness, their hopelessness.
Two opposed antidotes for the mounting disillusionment
with “normal politics” emerged during the presidential race: a progressive one,
in the form of Sanders, who suggested he was ready to hold the plutocrats to
account; and a populist one, in the form of Trump, determined to deflect anger
away from the plutocrats towards easy targets like immigrants. As we now know
from Wikileaks’ release of Clinton campaign chair John Podesta’s emails,
the Democats worked hard to rig their own primaries to make sure the
progressive option, Sanders, was eliminated. The Republicans, by contrast, were
overwhelmed by the insurrection within their own party.
The wave of disaffection Sanders and Trump have
been riding is not going away. In fact, a President Clinton, the embodiment of
the self-serving, self-aggrandising politics of the plutocrats, will only fuel
the disenchantment. The fixing of the Democratic primaries did not
strengthen Clinton’s moral authority, it fuelled the kind of doubts about
the system that bolster Trump. Trump’s accusations of a corrupt elite and a
rigged political and media system are not merely figments of his imagination;
they are rooted in the realities of US politics.
Trump, however, is not the man to offer solutions. His
interests are too close aligned to those of the plutocrats for him to make
meaningful changes.
Trump may lose this time, but someone like him will do
better next time – unless ordinary Americans are exposed to a
different kind of politician, one who can articulate progressive, rather
regressive, remedies for the necrosis that is rotting the US body politic.
Sanders began that process, but a progressive challenge to “politics as
normal” has to be sustained and extended if Trump and his ilk
are not to triumph eventually.
The battle cannot be delayed another few years, on the
basis that one day a genuinely non-evil candidate will emerge from
nowhere to fix this rotten system. It won’t happen of its
own. Unless progressive Americans show they are prepared to vote out
of conviction, not out of necessity, the Democratic party will never
have to take account of their views. It will keep throwing up leaders –
in different colours and different sexes – to front the tiny elite that
runs the US and seeks to rule the world.
It is time to say no – loudly – to Clinton, whether she
is the slightly lesser-evil candidate or not.
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