Photo: Mark Lennihan/AP
Sep. 6 2016, 3:53 p.m.
In his New York Times column
yesterday, Paul Krugman did
something which he made clear he regarded as quite brave: he defended the
Democratic Party presidential nominee and likely next U.S. President from
journalistic investigations. Complaining about media bias, Krugman claimed that
journalists are driven by “the presumption that anything Hillary Clinton does
must be corrupt, most spectacularly illustrated by the increasingly bizarre
coverage of the Clinton Foundation.” While generously acknowledging that it was
legitimate to take a look at the billions of dollars raised by the Clintons as
she pursued increasing levels of political power – vast sums often
received from the very parties most vested in her decisions as a public
official – it is now “very clear,” he proclaimed, that there was absolutely
nothing improper about any of what she or her husband did.
Krugman’s column, chiding the media
for its unfairly negative coverage of his beloved candidate, was, predictably,
a big hit among Democrats – not just because of their agreement with its content
but because of what they regarded as the remarkable courage required to
publicly defend someone as marginalized and besieged as the former First Lady,
two-term New York Senator, Secretary of State, and current establishment-backed
multi-millionaire presidential front-runner. Krugman – in a
tweet-proclamation that has now been re-tweeted more than 10,000 times – heralded himself this way: “I was reluctant to write today’s column because I
knew journos would hate it. But it felt like a moral duty.”
As my colleague Zaid Jilani remarked: “I can imagine Paul Krugman standing in front of the
mirror saying, ‘This is *your Tahrir Square* big guy.'” Nate Silver, early
yesterday morning, even suggested that Krugman’s Clinton-defending column was
so edgy and threatening that The New York Times – which
published the column – was effectively suppressing Krugman’s brave stance by refusing to promote it on Twitter (the NYT tweeted Krugman’s column a few hours later, early in the afternoon).
Thankfully, it appears that Krugman – at least thus far – has suffered no
governmental recriminations or legal threats, nor any career penalties,
for his intrepid, highly risky defense of Hillary Clinton.
That’s because – in contrast to his
actually brave, orthodoxy-defying work in 2002 as one of the few media voices
opposed to the invasion of Iraq, for which he deserves eternal credit – Krugman
here is doing little more than echoing conventional media wisdom. That
prominent journalists are overwhelmingly opposed to Donald Trump is barely
debatable; their collective contempt for him is essentially out in the open,
which is where it should be. Contrary to Krugman’s purported
expectation, countless Clinton-supporting
journalists rushed
to express praise for Krugman. Indeed, with very few exceptions, U.S. elites across
the board – from both parties, spanning multiple ideologies – are
aligned with unprecedented unity against Donald Trump. The last thing required
to denounce him, or to defend Hillary Clinton, is bravery.
That American journalists have
dispensed with muted tones and fake neutrality when reporting on Trump is
a positive development. He and his rhetoric pose genuine threats, and the U.S.
media would be irresponsible if it failed to make that clear. But aggressive
investigative journalism against Trump is not enough for Democratic partisans
whose voice is dominant in U.S. media discourse. They also want a cessation of
any news coverage that reflects negatively on Hillary Clinton. Most, of course,
won’t say this explicitly (though some do), but – as the wildly adored Krugman column from
yesterday reflects – they will just reflexively dismiss any such coverage
as illegitimate and invalid.
It should be the opposite of
surprising, or revealing, that pundits loyally devoted to a particular candidate
dislike all reporting that reflects negatively on that candidate. There is
probably no more die-hard Clinton loyalist in the U.S. media than Paul Krugman.
He has used his column for years to defend her and attack any of her critics.
Indeed, in 2008, he was the first to observe that – in his words – “the Obama campaign seems
dangerously close to becoming a cult of personality,” comparing the adulation
Clinton’s 2008 primary opponent was receiving to the swooning over George W.
Bush’s flight suit. He spent the 2016 primary maligning Sanders supporters as unstable, unserious losers (the straight, white, male columnist alsoregularly referred to them – including female and LGBT Sanders supporters –
as “bros”). And now he’s assigned himself the role as Arbiter of Proper
Journalism, and – along with virtually all other Clinton-supporting
pundits and journalists – has oh-so-surprisingly ruled that all journalism that
reflects poorly on Hillary Clinton is unsubstantiated, biased and
deceitful.
The absolute last metric journalists
should use for determining what to cover is the reaction of pundits who,
like Krugman and plenty of others, are singularly devoted to the election of
one of the candidates. Of course Hillary Clinton’s die-hard
loyalists in the media will dislike, and find invalid, any suggestion that she
engaged in any sort of questionable conduct. Their self-assigned role is
to defend her from all criticisms. They view themselves more as campaign
operatives than journalists: their principal, overriding goal is to ensure that
Clinton wins the election. They will obviously hate anything
– particularly negative reporting about her – that conflicts with
that goal. They will jettison even their core stated beliefs – such as the view
that big money donations corrupt
politicians –
in order to fulfill that goal.
But it would be journalistic malpractice
of the highest order if the billions of dollars received by the Clintons – both
personally and though their various entities – were not rigorously scrutinized
and exposed in detail by reporters. That’s exactly what they ought to be doing.
The fact that quid pro quos cannot be definitively
proven does not remotely negate the urgency of this journalism. That’s
because quid pro quos by their nature elude such proof (can
anyone prove that Republicans steadfastly support Israel and
low taxes because of the millions they get from Sheldon Adelson and the Koch
Brothers, or that the Florida Attorney General decided not to prosecute Trump because his foundation and his daughter
donated to her?).
Beyond quid quo pros, the Clintons’ constant, pioneering merger of
massive private wealth and political power and influence is itself highly
problematic. Nobody forced them to take millions of dollars from the Saudis and
Goldman Sachs tycoons and corporations with vested interests in the State
Department; having chosen to do so with great personal benefit, they are
now confronting the consequences in how the public views such behavior.
But none of it suggests that
anything other than a bright journalistic light is appropriate for
examining the Clintons’ conduct. Yet there are prominent pundits and
journalists who literally denounce every critical report about Clinton as
unfair and deceitful, and band together to malign the reporters who scrutinize
the Clintons’ financial transactions. Those prominent voices combine with the
million-dollar online army that supreme sleaze merchant David Brock has
assembled to attack Clinton critics; as The Los Angeles Times reported in May: “Clinton’s well-heeled backers have opened a new
frontier in digital campaigning, one that seems to have been inspired by some
of the Internet’s worst instincts. Correct the Record, a super PAC
coordinating with Clinton’s campaign, is spending some $1 million to find and
confront social media users who post unflattering messages about the Democratic
front-runner.”
All of this means that any journalist
reporting negatively on Clinton is instantly and widely bombarded with
criticisms denouncing their work as illegitimate, as they’ve started
noting:
It’s very common for political
factions to believe that they’re persecuted and victimized. Even with the
overwhelming bulk of the national media so openly aligned against Trump – with
an endless array of investigative stories showing Trump to be an unscrupulous
con artist and pathological liar – Clinton supporters seem to genuinely believe
that the media is actually biased against their candidate.
The reality is that large,
pro-Clinton liberal media platforms – such as Vox, and The Huffington Post, and prime-time MSNBC programs, and the columnists
and editorialists of The New York Times and The
Washington Post, and most major New-York-based weekly magazines – have been
openly campaigning for Hillary Clinton. I don’t personally see anything wrong
with that – I’m glad when journalists shed their faux-objectivity; I
believe the danger of Trump’s candidacy warrants that; and I hope this candor
continues past the November election – but the everyone-is-against-us self-pity
from Clinton partisans is just a joke. They are the dominant voices in elite
media discourse, and it’s a big reason why Clinton is highly likely to win.
That’s all the more reason why
journalists should be subjecting Clinton’s financial relationships,
associations, and secret communications to as much scrutiny as Donald Trump’s.
That certainly does not mean that journalists should treat their various
sins and transgressions as equivalent: nothing in the campaign compares to
Trump’s deport-11-million-people or ban-all-Muslim policies, or his attacks on
a judge for his Mexican ethnicity, etc. But this emerging narrative that
Clinton should not only enjoy the support of a virtually united elite class but
also a scrutiny-free march into the White House is itself quite dangerous.
Clinton partisans in the media – including those who regard themselves as
journalists – will continue to reflexively attack all reporting that reflects
negatively on her, but that reporting should nonetheless continue with
unrestrained aggression.
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