20.10.2016 Author: Nile Bowie
Column: Politics
Region: Middle East
Country: Syria
The escalating charges aimed at Russia and Syria,
reinforced by well-orchestrated media campaigns propagating official talking
points, are familiar in the sense that such attempts to mould public opinion
have traditionally been a precursor to Western military interventions.
Western and Gulf states have been unequivocal about
their intention to topple the government of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad,
presumably to replace it with a client regime that would maintain an
adversarial relationship with Russia, Iran and various political forces
associated with Shia Islam.
On the ground, the Syrian military, supported by
Russian, Iranian and Lebanese Hezbollah allies are on the path to military
victory over the rebel-held east of Aleppo, which would mark the restoration of
government control in all of Syria’s largest population centres.
Insurgents that have been armed and supported by the
United States are now besieged in eastern Aleppo fighting Syrian government
forces in coordination with jihadist militants, including the al-Nusra Front,
the former Syrian wing of al Qaeda that Washington itself classifies as a
terrorist organisation.
Some 270 thousand civilians are besieged alongside the militants controlling the area. Though the
ongoing offensive has undoubtedly put the civilian population of the area at
risk, larger questions about the fighting in Aleppo have hardly been raised by
Western media.
The dominant narrative about Aleppo asserts claims
that Syria and Russia are ‘deliberately bombing schools and hospitals to kill
civilians’ or maintaining a siege to ‘break the will of the population’.
Almost no serious questions are asked of the rebel
leadership in control of eastern Aleppo. The insurgents’ routine shelling of
government-held western Aleppo – where the vast majority of the population, reportedly 1.5 million, reside – is hardly reported.
It must be recognised that the primary armed
opposition fighting in eastern Aleppo and elsewhere are jihadist insurgents who
have either superficially distanced themselves from the al-Qaeda brand or
openly associate with it. More so, it is common knowledge that these groups
have committed beheadings and heinous rights abuses.
Given the ferocity of Russian and Syrian airstrikes,
why haven’t more civilians attempted to leave eastern Aleppo? UN Syria Envoy
Staffan de Mistura claimed that Jabhat Fateh al-Sham, the rebranded version
of al-Qaeda’s Syria affiliate, is holding ‘hostage’ the civilian population of
east Aleppo.
From a humanitarian perspective, it is pertinent to
question the effectiveness of the forceful approach taken by the Syrian and
Russian militaries. There is a precedent for a non-violent solution to the
situation, advocated by De Mistura himself.
In August 2016, a deal between
government forces and militants ended the four-year siege of the Damascus
suburb of Daraya. Civilians were evacuated and militants were bused to
rebel-held areas in northern Syria without surrendering their weapons. This
took place with the full cooperation of government forces.
De Mistura has offered to personally accompany the jihadist fighters
out of eastern Aleppo, while other (allegedly ‘moderate’) insurgents and
civilians remain under conditions of a ceasefire. The botched September 2016
ceasefire also sought this outcome, a key condition being that US-backed rebels
divorce themselves from jihadist al-Nusra fighters.
It is clear that expelling these jihadist forces is
the prerequisite for quelling the fighting in Aleppo, but there is political
resistance to this outcome from Western and Gulf states because it would imply
the surrender of anti-Assad groups and the impotence of their regime change
objectives.
Moreover, as Syria’s largest city, Aleppo represents a
major strategic prize. If captured, the foreign-backed opposition could
establish an alternative Syrian government, which Western and Gulf states would
then treat as the sole legitimate government.
The battle for Aleppo has been characterised as an ‘existential crisis’ for the mainstream
anti-Assad forces. Should the Syrian government retake eastern Aleppo, it would
deal a devastating blow to regime change efforts, but it would not mean a
decisive end to the war. Kurdish forces have maintained their hold over parts
of Syria, while the Islamic State continues to hold much territory.
That being said, the United States, Turkey, Saudi
Arabia and others have invested enormous political capital to regime change
efforts in Syria. Washington is determined to avoid a costly and humiliating
defeat in Aleppo and is currently reviewing measures to shore up its proxies.
Among the options under consideration is the
establishment of a no-fly-zone and safe zones, staging attacks against the
Syrian air force and arming the Syrian rebels with additional weaponry. Should
the US attempt of these options, it would directly violate international law.
The United States is not technically at war with the
Syria, nor is there a UN resolution authorising American forces to operate
inside Syria’s borders. Establishing a no-fly zone over Syrian airspace, safe
zones within Syrian territory, or US military attacks on the Syrian air force
and its bases would directly constitute an act of war against Damascus – and by
extension, Moscow.
The Washington Post reports:
“‘There’s an increased mood in support of kinetic
actions against the regime,’ one senior administration official said. ‘The
CIA and the Joint Staff have said that the fall of Aleppo would undermine
America’s counterterrorism goals in Syria.’’
“One proposed way to get around the White House’s
long-standing objection to striking the Assad regime without a U.N.
Security Council resolution would be to carry out the strikes covertly and
without public acknowledgement, the official said.”
It is deeply alarming and baffling that the US
leadership has here equated the fall of the jihadist-occupied Aleppo as harmful
to counterterrorism objectives. Should moral outrage be directed at any side,
it should not be toward the Syrian and Russian governments, who are attempting
to restore legal order over Syrian territory, albeit by controversial means.
Rather, it is the United States and its European and
Gulf allies that have forged an alliance with terrorist organisations in an
attempt to destroy an independent-minded secular nationalist government
promoting a pluralistic and inclusive form of Islam that should most beget
public condemnation.
This would certainly be the case if the Western public
at large ever truly absorbed the gravity of what their governments have done in
Syria. It is unlikely that President Obama would concede to a major military
escalation during his final months in office, though the possibility remains.
Hillary Clinton, who will presumably become the next
US president, publically supports the establishment of a no-fly zone in Syria and
has openly stated her number one objective in Syria is the removal of Bashar al-Assad’s government.
Russia has begun to deploy advanced anti-missile and
anti-aircraft systems in Syria. Trust between Russia and the United States has
entirely eroded. Russia is holding the cards in Syria and it is difficult to
imagine how open conflict can be avoided should the US pursue an escalation.
The seriousness of this moment should not be understated.
Nile Bowie is a political analyst based in Malaysia
who has written for a number of publications, his expertise lies in a
number of areas, with a particular focus on Asian politics and
geopolitics, especially for the online magazine “New Eastern Outlook”.
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